Web pages about "Refugees, Displaced People And Migrants"

Continuing concern for civilians after hostilities in Georgia

Fri, 22 Aug 2008 15:06:52 +0100

Following the 16 August ceasefire agreement between Georgia and Russia, Amnesty International has called on all parties to the conflict to protect displaced civilians and refugees who fled during the hostilities, as well as those who remained in the areas where hostilities have taken place.

The organization has also called on all parties to ensure that humanitarian assistance reaches all victims of the conflict, whether in Georgia or in Russia, and to ensure that all who fled the hostilities can be guaranteed a safe and lasting return to their homes.

Those who fled to other parts of Georgia and to North Ossetia, Russia, are in continued need of humanitarian assistance. Those who remained in South Ossetia and in parts of western Georgia where fighting has taken place, are also in need of humanitarian assistance. They also remain vulnerable to ethnically motivated attacks.

On August 19, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated the number of people displaced by the hostilities at more than 158,700. Some 98,000 people were displaced in Georgia proper. This included most of the population of the city of Gori and surrounding villages in western Georgia.

Displaced people in Georgia are living in municipal buildings, such as schools, as well as in camps in and around Tbilisi, the capital. Conditions in these centres vary greatly.

Aid organizations reported difficulties in accessing civilians who remained in the conflict areas. The first UN humanitarian convoy was only able to enter the city of Gori on 17 August.

Russian officials in North Ossetia indicate that some 30,000 people who fled South Ossetia are still in the Russian Federation, mainly in North Ossetia. Russian aid teams have reported that humanitarian assistance was needed in Tskhinvali, the capital of South Ossetia, because of the destruction of the infrastructure and of the local hospital. However, the Russian authorities only allowed the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) access to the region on 20 August. ICRC President Jakob Kellenberger, said that there were "indications that there are important needs in the region that still have to be addressed".

Apparent indiscriminate attacks against civilians must be investigated

Amnesty International is concerned that some of the bombardments both in South Ossetia and in parts of Georgia proper during the conflict may have amounted to indiscriminate or direct attacks on civilians, which constitute war crimes. There is still a lack of precise numbers of civilians killed during the conflict. On 20 August, Russian authorities reported that 133 South Ossetian civilians had been killed, and on 21 August Georgian authorities reported that 69 Georgian citizens, who were civilians, had been killed during the conflict.

Amnesty International calls on all parties to the conflict to carry out prompt, thorough, impartial and independent investigations into allegations of violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and to bring the perpetrators to justice.

Possible ethnic targeting

Civilians in Georgia and the Russian Federation remain vulnerable to ethnically motivated attacks. Irregular armed groups, reported to have formed in and around the region of South Ossetia, have carried out human rights abuses.

Houses in ethnic Georgian villages in South Ossetia have been burned and looted and there have been reports of civilians killed. Looting and burning of houses also took place in the Gori region of western Georgia.

Amnesty International has called on all parties to the conflict to provide protection to civilians who may be subjected to inter-ethnic reprisals.

The organization has also called on all sides to initiate prompt, thorough, impartial and independent investigations into all allegations of abuses on the basis of ethnic identity and to bring the perpetrators to justice.

Background

On 12 August, Georgia and Russia agreed to a provisional French-brokered ceasefire, pending further negotiations. This followed five days of military hostilities in the disputed regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, as well as within Georgia proper.

The ceasefire agreement was signed by the presidents of Georgia and Russia on the 15 and 16 of August respectively. However, it wasn't until 20 August that Russia began to withdraw its troops from Georgia, stating that all troops would be withdrawn back to positions set out in the agreement.

It remains unclear how many prisoners of war are held by either side, although the first exchange of prisoners took place on 19 August.

Tens of thousands at risk in Sri Lanka as fighting escalates

Tue, 19 Aug 2008 12:40:15 +0100

The Sri Lankan military and the opposing Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are putting tens of thousands of displaced civilians at risk as fighting continues in the Wanni area of northern Sri Lanka.

A major concern, as the situation worsens, is that there is little reliable information available from the ground, as journalists are restricted from reporting in the area. Both sides consistently contradict each other. This is why international independent monitors are urgently needed on the ground to assess the situation.

There is no safe haven for the thousands of families trying to escape the aerial bombardment and shelling of Sri Lankan forces as they push towards the town of Kilinochchi. Since May, government aerial bombardment and artillery shelling has forced more than 70,000 people to flee their homes, primarily in the Kilinochchi and Mullaitvu districts.

In the LTTE-controlled areas of the Wanni, the Tigers have hindered thousands of families from moving to safer places by imposing a strict pass system. Some individuals have been forced to stay behind as guarantors, to ensure the return of other family members.

"These people are running out of places to go and basic necessities," said Yolanda Foster, Amnesty International’s Sri Lanka researcher. “The Tigers are keeping them in harm’s way and the government is not doing enough to ensure they receive essential assistance.”

Amnesty International has received reports that the government is keeping those who have been able to leave LTTE-controlled areas in temporary shelters that often operate as de facto detention centres.

Witnesses from Kalimoddai camp in Mannar district told the organization that more than 200 families who are held there cannot exit the camp for any reason (except to go to school) without obtaining a pass from the government's security forces.

Despite calls for the displaced to be allowed to move via humanitarian corridors to safer areas where they can receive essential aid and assistance, they are in fact being used as a buffer between the two opposing forces.

Sri Lankan media reported Lieutenant General Sarath Fonseka, Commander of the Army, ordering his troops in the Wanni area to seal any routes out of the area in order to stop LTTE infiltration. Sealing the border will also prevent civilians from fleeing the conflict zones.

"Both sides to this long conflict have again shown that they will jeopardize the lives of thousands of ordinary people in the pursuit of military objectives,” said Yolanda Foster, Amnesty’s Sri Lanka researcher. “In the absence of independent international monitors, Sri Lankan civilians lack protection and remain at the mercy of two forces with long records of abuse."

The government has given reassurances at the weekend that they will open three safe corridors and that, for the moment, the government is facilitating humanitarian assistance through Omanthai checkpoint - the crossing point between government-controlled territory and the area held by the LTTE. This aid is desperately needed but humanitarian agencies operating in the area have voiced serious concerns that if the conflict continues displaced civilians will face greater hardship.

Amnesty International has established that around a third of the displaced families were forced to live in the open air with no shelter. Many could not receive food, tarpaulin for temporary shelters and fuel because of a lack of access to LTTE-controlled areas and restrictions on goods going through Omanthai. The lack of adequate privacy for women and girls has led to an increase in reports of sexual and gender-based violence.

The displacement of civilians increased dramatically in July, with 14,000 new families made homeless. As of 7 August, government figures indicate that the overall number of displaced people is between 150,000 and 160,000.

Sri Lanka: LTTE, government endangering lives of tens of thousands of newly displaced around Wanni

Thu, 14 Aug 2008 13:40:51 +0100

Thousands of families who fled the recent fighting between Sri Lankan forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) must be allowed to move to safer areas and to receive necessary humanitarian assistance, Amnesty International said today.

“These people are running out of places to go and basic necessities,” said Yolanda Foster, Amnesty International’s Sri Lanka researcher. “The Tigers are keeping them in harm’s way and the government is not doing enough to ensure they receive essential assistance.”

Government aerial bombardment and artillery shelling since May has forced more than 70,000 people to flee their homes, primarily in Kilinochchi and Mulaitivu districts.

Amnesty International has established that around a third of these families are living in the open air with no shelter. Many cannot receive food, tarpaulin for temporary shelters and fuel because of a lack of access into LTTE-controlled areas and restrictions on goods going through Omanthai - the crossing point between government-controlled territory and that held by the LTTE. Some families have been forced to move several times.

In the LTTE-controlled Wanni area, the Tigers have hindered thousands of families from moving to safer places by imposing a strict pass system and, in some instances, forcing some family members to stay behind to ensure the return of the rest of the family. These measures seem designed in part to use civilians as a buffer against government forces -- a serious violation of international humanitarian law. The LTTE has also engaged in forced recruitment.

Lack of cement to build adequate toilets and washrooms has forced people to use open bathing facilities. The lack of adequate privacy for women and girls has led to a notable increase in reports of sexual and gender based violence.

Amnesty International has also received reports that the government is housing those who have been able to leave LTTE areas in temporary shelters that often operate as de facto detention centres. Witnesses from Kalimoddai camp in Mannar district told Amnesty International that more than 200 families who are held there cannot exit the camp for any reason (except to go to school) without obtaining a pass from the government’s security forces.

“Both sides to this long conflict have again shown that they will jeopardize the lives of thousands of ordinary people in the pursuit of military objectives,” said Yolanda Foster. “In the absence of independent international monitors, Sri Lankan civilians lack protection and remain at the mercy of two forces with long records of abuse.”

Background
The Sri Lankan military has launched a major offensive to reclaim areas of the north and east previously controlled by the LTTE. Families have been multiply displaced. According to UNHCR, as of 30 June, there are some 467,000 individuals displaced by conflict in Sri Lanka’s north and east. This figure includes an estimated 194,900 persons who were displaced after fighting intensified in April 2006.

No moving backwards for Myanmar

Fri, 08 Aug 2008 13:08:22 +0100

By Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International's Researcher on Myanmar

"We must move forward, forward in Myanmar. There is no backwards for us." These words were spoken to me by a participant in the "8888" uprising in Myanmar who was forced to flee his country. Twenty years after the brief flowering of people power in Myanmar, however, little has improved for the millions of people still suffering under repressive rule.

If the future is to be better, the UN Security Council and Myanmar’s Asian neighbours must cease turning a blind eye to human rights violations in Myanmar and begin to take bold and effective measures toward stopping them.

On 8 August 1988, students took to the streets in Yangon (then still Rangoon) to demand democracy and human rights from their government. Over the next six weeks, the demonstrations grew in number and popular support and spread across the country, before the security forces moved in and violently suppressed the uprising. They killed more than 3,000 people and caused the enforced disappearance of an unknown number of others.

The massacre so shocked the world that many people both inside and outside the country believed that it marked "the end" in Myanmar; human rights violations on such an egregious scale would no longer be tolerated by the international community. Sadly for the people of Myanmar, however, they were wrong.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the main opposition party, Nobel Peace laureate, and icon of the Burmese human rights movement, has been under some form of detention for nearly 13 of the last 19 years. U Win Tin, a senior member of her party and 78 years-old, has been imprisoned for all of those 19 years, the longest-serving prisoner of conscience in Myanmar. Thousands of other political prisoners have been detained since 1988; 137 have died in custody, some from torture or lack of medical attention.

More than 2,000 people are now behind bars, more than a third of whom the government detained during its violent crackdown on the monk-led demonstrations last fall — the third major demonstration since 8888 through which the Burmese have tried, against ruthless and heart-rending odds, to demand their rights. Just days after the crackdown, monks and dissidents on the Thai-Myanmar border told me harrowing accounts of the recent violence and their narrow escape from the country.

Outside of the cities — and the international spotlight — the Myanmar army has continued to wage war over the past twenty years against the country’s ethnic minorities as well, among them the Karen. Campaigns against the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) have been relentless since the early 1990s. Three years ago the army commenced another major offensive against the Karen, which continues to this day, though this time the army is actively avoiding the KNLA and instead targeting defenseless villagers.

On a widespread and systematic basis, the army is perpetrating a catalogue of serious human rights violations against the Karen, including extrajudicial killings, torture, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, forced labour, crop destruction and confiscation, restrictions on movement, arbitrary levies and fines and anti-personnel land mines.

Another effect of both the 8888 uprising and the ethnic persecution is that hundreds of thousands of people in the past two decades have been forced to flee their homes to seek shelter elsewhere in Myanmar or in neighbouring countries. No fewer than half a million people in a nation of approximately 51 million are internally displaced within Myanmar. As I have witnessed myself, most live in deplorable conditions and constant fear, wondering if the world even knows about them.

Just under half that number are officially recognized as refugees in the surrounding countries, though several times more are not officially recognized and thus have even fewer rights. Many refugees have become some of the world’s most committed and courageous human rights activists — members of Myanmar’s "88 Generation" — as another entire generation of children has been born in exile.

Three months ago, the government wilfully neglected its people when Cyclone Nargis struck Myanmar. Relief workers, diplomats, journalists, and Burmese survivors told me again and again with horror and disbelief how the government violated its own citizens’ human rights to food, shelter, health, and to life itself on a massive scale.

The government refused to deploy its own much-touted army of 400,000 soldiers to the affected areas and rejected international assistance. Instead, the authorities saw fit to frog-march traumatized, bereaved, and hungry people to "vote" for a new constitution that both fails to protect human rights and codifies impunity for officials who violate them.

The exodus of refugees from Myanmar and the government’s response to the cyclone have generated the kind of human suffering that the UN system was designed to address. The UN has sent numerous official and unofficial missions to Myanmar since 1988 — with two more taking place this month — and has a large humanitarian presence there now, but with little or no impact on human rights.

But the one UN body with real power, the Security Council, has been unable or unwilling to take effective action. It has neither visited Myanmar to obtain first-hand information on the situation on the ground nor imposed a comprehensive mandatory arms embargo on the country. The only resolution condemning Myanmar’s human rights record was vetoed in January 2007 by permanent members China and Russia, while Indonesia, a non-permanent member at the time, abstained.

Since then, the Council has managed only two Presidential Statements on Myanmar, one in October 2007 that "strongly deplored" last fall’s crackdown, and another in May 2008 that "underlin[ed] the need" for Myanmar to ensure inclusiveness and credibility in its constitutional referendum later that month. Stronger language was objected to by, among others, China, Indonesia, and Vietnam.

While ASEAN’s statements critical of the crackdown last fall and the continued detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have been welcome, the organization—and its member countries—have been inexcusably forgiving of Myanmar’s human rights record over the past twenty years. India, a powerful neighbouring state and the world’s largest democracy, has also been disturbingly compliant.

Just as with the 8888 uprising, many people hope that the government’s response to Cyclone Nargis signals the "the end" of such enormous human rights violations in Myanmar. Whether it really does this time, however, depends not only on the Burmese — whose "88 Generation" continues to courageously lead the way — but on the political will of the UN Security Council and Myanmar’s Asian neighbours as well. Twenty years is a long time, but it is not too late.

This article originally appeared in the Bangkok Post in Thailand on 8 August 2008.

South Africa: Displaced people should not be forcibly removed from temporary camps

Wed, 23 Jul 2008 17:14:14 +0100

Amnesty International today condemned the forcible removal by police of more than 700 people, including refugees and asylum-seekers, from the Glenanda ("Rifle Range Road") displacement camp near Johannesburg to Lindela Repatriation Centre.

The removals yesterday, 22 July, have placed those affected at imminent risk of expulsion from South Africa.

This followed an incident at the Glenanda site on 17 July in which the police used excessive force against residents, injuring 23 people who were shot at close range with rubber bullets. Amnesty International has called for a full investigation into this incident.

The removals on Tuesday happened after officials began to implement a registration and temporary residence permit system for the thousands of individuals still internally displaced by anti-foreigner violence which erupted in May in Gauteng, Western Cape, Durban and elsewhere in the country. Those removed at the Glenanda camp had apparently not registered and so did not have the new identity documents.

"The new registration process has led to confusion, increased tension and a reluctance among some people at the displacement sites to register. There's been a lack of good, clear information about the process and its implications," said Amnesty International.

"We have told the government of our concerns about the manner of the introduction of this new system, including the lack of clarity about the effect of the new permit on people's existing legal status. This is particularly crucial for those who have existing refugee or other legal rights of residence."

The organization also condemned the way officials had denied access to adequate food to those who failed to go through the registration process at the Glenanda ("Rifle Range Road") displacement camp. This constitutes a violation of South Africa’s obligations under international law.

Amnesty International called on the South African government to uphold its human rights obligations and not forcibly return asylum-seekers and others in need of international protection to the countries they have fled.

Amnesty International delegates visited some of the sites for displaced people earlier in July and heard cases of individuals who had attempted to return to their former homes but had been verbally threatened or physically attacked.

"We appeal to the government not to precipitously close these sites. There is growing pressure on people in these camps to re-integrate back into local communities without there being a safe and sustainable reintegration plan in place,” said Amnesty International.

“Many of these people are still suffering trauma from the violent attacks and property destruction in May. The government needs to explain much more fully to them what the implications of the registration process are, and to ensure their human rights are not violated.”

Background
On 23 May 2008 Amnesty International called on the South African government to take all necessary measures to protect the human rights of people at continuing risk of violent attacks and displacement from their homes on the basis of their perceived ethnic origins or status as “foreigners” or asylum-seekers.

See AFR 53/007/2008

EU return directive affects dignity and security of irregular migrants

Fri, 04 Jul 2008 12:52:56 +0100

We believe that the text approved on Wednesday 18 June by the European Parliament does not guarantee the return of irregular migrants in safety and dignity. On the contrary, an excessive period of detention of up to one and a half years as well as an EU-wide re-entry ban for those forcibly returned, risks lowering existing standards in the Member States and sets an extremely bad example to other regions in the world.

At the same time, the text lacks sufficient guarantees for unaccompanied minors and contains weak provisions with regard to judicial oversight of administrative detention. Finally, it allows specific derogations on detention conditions in those Member States confronted with so-called emergency situations.

The added value of this EU-directive is therefore hard to see. At the same time, it risks promoting prolonged detention practices in EU Member States and impacting negatively on access to the territory.

Amnesty International urges Member States currently applying higher standards not to use this directive as a pretext to lowering them.

Migrants face illegal arrest in Mauritania

Wed, 02 Jul 2008 11:18:39 +0100

Irregular migrants trying to reach Europe are being arrested, ill-treated and collectively expelled from Mauritania without opportunity to challenge the decision according to a new Amnesty International report.

Published on Tuesday 1 July the report, Mauritania: Nobody wants anything to do with us, arrests and collective expulsions of migrants denied entry into Europe, also says that sometimes migrants aren’t even sent back to their own home countries.

Since 2006, thousands of migrants accused of setting out from Mauritania with the intention of entering Europe via Spain’s Canary Islands, have been arrested.

Many of those people have been held in a detention centre at Nouadhibou in northern Mauritania. Some have been ill-treated by members of the Mauritanian security forces.

Nationals of West African countries say they have been arbitrarily arrested in the street or at home and accused, apparently without any evidence, of intending to travel to Spain.

According to the National Security Service, 3,257 people were held in the centre in 2007, all were then sent to Senegal and Mali, regardless of their nationality or country of origin. These people are left at the border, often without much food and with no means of transport.

Salvatore Saguès, Amnesty International’s West Africa Researcher, said that “This policy of arrests and collective expulsions by the Mauritanian authorities is the result of intense pressure exerted on Mauritania by the European Union (EU), and Spain in particular, as they seek to involve certain African countries in their attempt to combat irregular migration to Europe.”

Amnesty International calls on the Mauritanian authorities to ensure that their security forces are abiding by international law.

The organization also calls on the EU and its member states, most notably Spain, to take responsibility for ensuring that migrants are treated according to international human rights standards.

“EU states are using countries such as Mauritania to manage the flow of migrants who attempt to reach Europe from their territory. They have become the de facto ‘policemen of Europe’,” said Salvatore Saguès.

Israel: Knesset should reject draft law which would put asylum-seekers at grave risk

Mon, 23 Jun 2008 11:40:26 +0100

In a Memorandum sent to the Internal Affairs and Environment Committee of the Israeli Knesset (parliament) Amnesty International urged legislators to reject a proposed law that imposes lengthy prison sentences on asylum-seekers and irregular migrants, disregarding their reasons for entering the country, and allowing for their immediate deportation, without regard for their possible ill-treatment or persecution to which they may be subject upon their return. The Committee is meeting on 24 June to discuss the draft “Prevention of Infiltration Law – 2008”.

The proposed law provides for the automatic detention pending deportation within 72 hours of anyone who enters the country at any point other than an authorized border crossing, and individuals who cannot be immediately deported would be sentenced to five years’ imprisonment “without distinction as to their identity or their intention when infiltrating.” Residents and citizens of ten listed states or territories, including refugee-producing countries such as Sudan and Iraq, would face up to seven years of imprisonment. The bill makes no provision for asylum-seekers fleeing from violence or persecution.

Amnesty International recognizes Israel’s right to secure its borders and regulate the entry of foreigners into its territory, but it is concerned about the potential impact of the proposed law on the rights of asylum seekers and other non-nationals. The criminalization of irregular entry, without taking into account the reasons for entry or the risk of removal, effectively bars individuals coming into Israel from seeking asylum. The proposed law would potentially criminalize those who seek protection from persecution.

The detention and removal process set out in the draft law, especially the high level of discretion granted to officers to remove individuals within 72 hours, are inconsistent with Israel’s obligations under international treaties, including the Refugee Convention, to prevent the return of individuals to countries where they may be at risk of serious human rights violations.

The draft law fails to take into account the particularly vulnerable situation of asylum seekers and refugees. Such procedures would effectively deny individuals fleeing persecution access to refugee status determination procedures, and fall far short of Israel’s international legal obligations as a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol.

Amnesty International urged the Knesset members to ensure that any immigration or national security provisions fully respect Israel’s international human rights obligations, including ensuring the protection of all individuals within its jurisdiction, regardless of their immigration status, and ensuring that individuals are not returned to states where they would be at risk of serious human rights abuses.

Background
The proposed Prevention of Infiltration Law – 2008 is intended to replace a 1954 law enacted under Israel’s emergency legislation. The draft law was submitted to the Knesset by Deputy Defense Minister Matan Vilnai on behalf of the government and passed its preliminary reading on 19 May 2008. It was then submitted on 3 June 2008 to the Knesset’s Internal Affairs and Environment Committee, to be prepared for second and third readings. Laws are enacted on passing the third reading.

Since 2005, up to 8,000 Eritreans, Sudanese, and other nationals who have entered Israel via the Egyptian border have subsequently sought asylum. Under the proposed law, if it had been in force, all such individuals would have been considered to be “infiltrators” and would have been liable to immediate deportation back to Egypt, irrespective of whether they would be at risk of persecution there.

In August 2007, 48 nationals of African countries, most of them Sudanese, were forcibly returned to Egypt by Israeli forces shortly after they had crossed from Egypt into Israel through the Sinai border. They were detained incommunicado for months in Egypt and some 20 of them were forcibly returned to Sudan, including seven or eight who had refugee status in Egypt. The fate and whereabouts of the 28 others remain unknown. In June 2008 the Egyptian authorities forcibly returned up to 1,000 asylum seekers to Eritrea, despite guidelines issued by the UNHCR opposing the return of rejected Eritrean asylum-seekers on the grounds of the record of serious human rights violations in Eritrea, and further deportation are expected at the time of writing. Those deported were not given access to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Egypt to assess their protection needs. Since January 2008, some 14 nationals of African countries, including potential asylum seekers from Sudan and Eritrea were reportedly shot dead by Egyptian border forces while attempting to cross from Egypt into Israel via the Sinai border. Those reportedly killed while trying to cross into Israel include two men believed to be from Côte d'Ivoire, a Sudanese man and an Eritrean woman who were shot dead by Egyptian security forces in March 2008, Amnesty International, Two more migrants killed at Egypt/Israel border (News, 28 March 2008) http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/news/two-more-migrants-killed-egypt-israel-border-20080328 and six African migrants, some of them from Sudan, were shot dead in similar circumstances in February 2008.

Since 2006 an increasing number of Sudanese and other asylum seekers have been detained for long periods after they crossed into Israel from Egypt and those – including children - held at the Ketziot detention centre, in the southern Israeli desert, have often been held in inadequate conditions.

World: Call for action on World Refugee Day 20 June

Fri, 20 Jun 2008 10:48:29 +0100

In this, the 60th anniversary year of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on World Refugee Day, Amnesty International calls on states to reaffirm everyone’s right to seek and to enjoy asylum from persecution, as recognized in the words of article 14 of the UDHR.

Almost two million Iraqi refugees, fleeing murder, kidnap, torture and ill treatment, are now living in Syria and Jordan.

In the Mediterranean region, asylum-seekers and migrants continue to die in the sea in their desperate attempt to reach Europe.

These are two of the many refugee problems that confront the world today.

Meanwhile, doors are being quietly closed. People fleeing Iraq now face visa restrictions as they try to enter Jordan and Syria. Sweden, host to the largest number of Iraqi refugees in Europe, has now changed its approach and is returning refugees to very dangerous areas of their home country. In the Mediterranean region, European Union countries such as Spain and Italy are involved with interception operations and joint migration control measures with countries in North and West Africa. People are being sent back to the terrible situations they were desperately trying to escape.

International assistance for Iraqi refugees in Syria and Jordan is desperately needed, contributions to UN agencies working with refugees from Iraq inadequate. In May 2008, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) made a fresh appeal for increased funding for its Iraq work. They cited a shortfall of $127 million for assistance programmes without which essential health and food assistance programs may have to be reduced, forcing many Iraqis into further destitution and raising the likelihood of higher malnutrition rates and increased rise of child labour.

A total of 147 states are parties to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (the Refugee Convention) or its Protocol - the main international instruments protecting refugees.

Amnesty International calls for world governments to ensure that their actions and policies do not undermine the protection offered by the Convention and other international instruments. Amnesty International also believes that states should not only protect the rights of refugees within their jurisdiction but should also help other countries dealing with large scale refugee situations.

Amnesty International calls on the European Union to fully respect its obligations towards refugees, by ensuring that its border controls do not directly, or indirectly, force asylum-seekers to return to transit countries where they would be at risk of arbitrary detention, collective expulsion, refoulement - - as in the case of a number of countries in North and West Africa - - even the risk of being dumped in the desert without food or water.

The organization also calls on the European Union to ensure that in the development of its common asylum system, all asylum-seekers under the jurisdiction of its member states have access to fair and satisfactory asylum procedures regardless of their country of origin or transit, and that the use of inadequate accelerated asylum procedures is ended.

Amnesty International urges states to increase the use of resettlement as one of several responsibility-sharing tools to relieve the burden of receiving states and to provide refugees with a durable solution. For many refugees, it is the only way to ensure they have access to basic rights such as education, health care and adequate housing. For some, their illness, disability or trauma means they do not have access to adequate care in their countries of asylum. Only nine countries have traditionally had large resettlement programmes; these have been recently joined by developing countries such as Chile, Burkina Faso and Brazil, which have started to resettle small numbers of refugees. Amnesty International calls on other states to join this list.

Finally, Amnesty International urges states, in cooperation with UNHCR, to develop an effective way of sharing the responsibility for large numbers of refugees, as and when urgent situations arise.

The answer to this grievous problem cannot be to countenance human suffering and turn our backs on people in tragic circumstances. It is to take more responsibility for this global problem in a global way.

Visit to Canary Islands appeals for respect for rights of migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers

Mon, 16 Jun 2008 17:44:14 +0100

Amnesty International's Secretary General, Irene Khan, is leading a mission to Spain to meet with government officials, human rights organizations, survivors of human rights violations and professional organizations. The visit will conclude with the launch of a human rights agenda to the Spanish Government for the 2008-2011 legislature period.

During a visit to Tenerife, Irene Khan made the following statement during a symbolic event at Santa Lastenia cemetery:

"Dozens of unidentified migrants who lost their lives trying to get to European territory through one of the main entry points, the Canary Islands, are buried in this cemetery.

The number of people reaching the Canaries, as well as other southern frontiers like Italy, Cyprus, Malta or Greece, has grown considerably over the last years. Many of them are fleeing poverty and grave human rights violations. Many of them have not made it and have died in the attempt.

Today, in the name of Amnesty International, and its more than 2 million members and supporters around the world, I want to acknowledge this terrible human tragedy and acknowledge the suffering of these people.

And through this tribute I want to remind European governments that just because some persons do not have documents, it does not mean they do not have rights.

Every human being has human rights, regardless of their legal status, but in many cases human rights are being put at risk because of the immigration control policies pursued by European countries.

This is unacceptable.

Everyone has the right to be treated humanely and with dignity. Asylum-seekers fleeing from persecution have the right to seek asylum. Migrants have the right to be treated humanely and with dignity.

Amnesty International recognizes that States, including Spain, have the right to control their borders and the entry of foreigners into its territory, but not at the expense of undermining the human rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers.

On Wednesday 18 June, European parliamentarians will be taking a very important decision on the return of irregular migrants – voting on a directive which will allow European Union countries to detain people who have not committed any crime, including minors, for up to one year and a half.

The proposed directive is unacceptable as an EU standard and I call on all Members of the European Parliament to vote to reject it. Detention should only be used in very exceptional cases, always for the shortest possible time and must not be prolonged or indefinite. Standards for returns are needed, but we do not they should be at all costs. The directive must include safeguards that ensure that the return of irregular migrants is carried out in a way that respects their fundamental rights.

Europe can do better than this. I strongly urge Members of the European Parliament to refuse the current compromise and make sure effective safeguards are included.

As unaccompanied children are particularly vulnerable, the directive should prohibit detention of unaccompanied children and ensure that they are represented by a guardian.

Later today, I will visit the "La Esperanza" centre and meet some such minors. My purpose in doing so will be to draw attention to the vulnerability of young people, and the duty of all governments, including that of Spain, to provide protection for them. Our concerns in this area include reports that the Spanish authorities have deported unaccompanied minors illegally, without taking into account the best interests of the child and other safeguards under international law.

Prioritizing immigration control should not mean turning our backs on the rights of migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers, a particularly vulnerable and unprotected group.

The EU is a union of value based on democracy and human rights. It must live up to those values and protect the rights of migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers."